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Halaou wasn't muslim

Yet another Haitian Revolution hero has become the target of the islamic revisionists. His name is Halaou. From 1792 to 1794, he led an important armed band in the Cul-de-Sac plain, around Port-au-Prince, in the Western part of the French colony of Saint Domingue (Haiti). In 1998, the revisionist Sylviane Diouf arbitrarily portrayed him as a leader of islamic motivated fugitives (maroons) :
"Saint Domingue, was fecund ground for Muslim maroons and rebels. The island had always had numerous maroon communities. (...) It is not known if some maroon communities were entirely composed of Muslims, but major communities had Muslim leaders. (...) In Cul-de-Sac, an African Muslim named Halaou led a veritable army of thousands of maroons." (1)
But, historians are unanimous on the undeniable fact that Halaou and his brothers in arms were devoted, ostentatious and eccentric traditionalists :
"The undisciplined blacks of the Cul-de-Sac plain were headed by a peer named Halaou, who followed all the practices of the African spells. The barbaric superstitions of his native country assured his power over the bands he commanded. A white rooster he wore constantly seemed to the crowd to convey heavenly inspirations to him. Secondary wizards were attached to his steps and helped him move these masses deprived of light." (Transl.) (2)
It is difficult to imagine an islamic warrior considering a bird as a source of heavenly inspiration. We will demonstrate here that Halaou was not a muslim, but a traditionalist warlord ; and even a great officiant of the ancestral worship.



1- Halaou did not start the uprising in the West province

Among the revisionists, the tendency is to proclaim the islamic religion as a source of resistance in Saint Domingue. With regard to the advent of Halaou, historical evidence say otherwise. Because, in September 1791, so several months before Halaou's rebellion, Romaine Rivière, aka Romaine La Prophétesse (Romaine The Prophetess) took arms in the West and the South. And he was far from a muslim :
"Romaine Rivière, owner, in the heights of Léogane, of a small coffee plantation, at the place called Trou-Coffy, situated on the limits of Jacmel and Léogane, near the Brach and Citronniers coral,  had, in the overflowing passions, established a camp on his land. 
There, claiming to be inspired by the Blessed Virgin, taking the denomination of prophetess, he mixed the worship that one owes to the creator with spells exercises (1).
(1) "Ce griffe,* married to a mulatto woman, has built a chapel and an altar, where he celebrates his mysteries in his fashion ; he puts his head in his tabernacle to hear the answers of the Holy Spirit, has written letters to the Blessed Virgin and the answers of the Blessed Virgin are found the next day in his tabernacle ; he makes his meditations and preaches with sword in his hand, teaches his imbecile proselytes a doctrine from which have resulted thefts, assassinations, fires. This scoundrel is also a charlatan, he composes remedies, etc." Report of Blouet, priest of Jacmel, February, 1792." (Transl.) (3) 
One cannot qualify as a muslim Romaine La Prophétesse who :
  • cross-dressed as the Virgin Mary, whose godson he claimed to be ;
  • sang mass in a catholic chapel ;
  • wrote to the Virgin Mary and to the Holy Spirit who advised him ;
  • corresponded in writing (in French and not in Arabic) with the Abbe Ouvrière, his confidant.
Romaine La Prophétesse was therefore a "pè savann" or a "savannah priest", that is to say one of the multiple mixed-raced pseudo catholic priests who had to be banned in the colony since 1761, following the Macandal affair.
"JUDGEMENT of Le Cape Town Council, on Abuse of Religion, by People of Color.


On February 18, 1761.
(...)
... that in the assemblies of said Negroes in the Church of this city, it often happened that there was no Priest ; that then one of them was accustomed to catechize, or to preach to the others ; that these same Negroes went often and frequently, in the expanse of the suburbs, to catechize  the negroes in the houses and Estates, without being authorized to do so; that besides that the truths and dogmas of our Religion could be altered in the mouth of a missionary of this kind... 
(...)
ART. V. Prohibits all Negroes or Free Mulattoes, and Slaves, to catechize in houses and Estates ; otherwise punishable by the whip." (Transl.) (4)
The administrators considered these self-proclaimed priests a source of religious and social disorder. However, Romaine, who also maintained traditionalist practices,** did not revolt for religious reasons. As a free Creole, mixed race and landowner in Trou Coffy, a conflict with Joseph-Marie Tavet, a wealthy white neighbor, supposedly incited him to rebel against the abuses his class was enduring. (5) Not to mention that Romaine was a royalist. (6)

 

2- Halaou wasn't the West province chief insurgent leader

As we know, from August 1791, the Northern Saint Domingue captives (slaves) revolted in a broad fashion. Two years later, weakened by internal and foreign forces, the colony had to offer freedom to the Northern captives (slaves) willing to defend it. 
At the same time, a general uprising did not occur in the Western and Southern provinces. But peace didn't reign. In the West, where Halaou was fighting, these following forces were at odds :
  • the Pompons Rouge (the Red Pompons) : French commissioners Polvérel and Sonthonax that signed the abolition of slavery in 1793-1794 ;
  • the Anciens libres (the Long-time Free) : Freedmen (mostly free Mulattoes and free Blacks) claiming political equality for their class ;
  • the Pompons Blancs (the White Pompons) : White royalists allied with invading foreign (Spanish and English) forces ;
  • the Nouveaux libres (the Newly free, or soon to be free) : Creoles remaining on the plantations, and "African" insurgents grouped by ethnicity, were solicited by all sides.
Halaou was one of the "African" armed band leaders selected by the Freedmen. Despite his merits, Halaou did not initiate the revolt in the West. Neither did he command the entire "African" troops. Halaou fought under Supreme Commander Hyacinthe Ducoudray who himself was incited to revolt and ranked in February 1792 by the true instigators, the Freedmen : 
"The inhabitants of Cul-de-Sac, old men, women and children had to flee that plain to go to the mountains of Grands-Bois*** and Mirebalais. (...) But then the men of color [mixed race], tired of the injustice from all these whites, put their last resource to use. They raised the slaves, giving them as their leader a young intelligent black, named Hyacinthe, slave of the settler Ducoudray. (...) In their ranks there were secondary chiefs, such as Garion Santo, Halaou, Bébé Coustard, three blacks, and Bélisaire Bonnaire, mulatto." (Transl.) (7)
An islamic affinity cannot be pinned on the freedmen (free Mulattoes and Blacks) ; especially the Mulattos, due to the certainty of their births in Christian America, and not in "Africa". And also, since the freedmen have marked their religious allegiance as early as August 29 or 30, 1791, by celebrating a catholic ceremony in Croix-des-Bouquets, on the outskirts of Port-au-Prince :
"After the victory at Pernier, the mixed-race army went to Croix-des-Bouquets where it sang a Te Deum to thank the Almighty for its success on the unjust men who, far from wanting to recognize the rights that the mixed-race class held from the Author of all things, had offered to annihilate it." (Transl.) (8)
As for Hyacinthe Ducoudray, the selected supreme leader, he was a notorious traditionalist who carried a bull tail on the battlefields :
"The blacks fanaticized by their wizards ran towards death with gaiety, imagining that they would resurrect in Africa. Hyacinthe armed with a bulltail roamed the ranks stating that it diverts bullets." (Transl.) (9)
However, following his victory at Croix-des-Bouquets in the night of March 30 to the 31st, 1792, he procured catholic blessing for all of his troops ; which includes Halaou's :
"By this victory, the freedmen's preponderance became definitive in the West. Hyacinthe Ducoudray, a young man full of humanity, whom they held under their influence, forced father Thomas, parish priest of Croix-des-Bouquets, to bless his army." (Transl.) (10)
Moreover, it can be said that the black insurgents, including Halaou's troops, were clearly structured around "African" customs and ethnic affinities :
"Among the insurgents stood out Halaou, Bébécoutard, Bélisaire, mixed race, who became famous chiefs. They organized their bands the African way : their heads were filled with rooster and peacock feathers. They were carried around upon triumph, with life and death right over their men." (Transl.) (11)
Bélisaire Bonnaire, a Mulatto, became a band leader in the same way as Halaou, not due to any adherence to islam :
"Bélisaire, one of them, was one of those who contributed the most to reconcile the people of his color [mulattoes] with the blacks. This man, who was only 23 years old and who exercised the job of master mason, remarkable for his tall figure, his good looks, and who usually lived among the blacks of the plain, had learned some of their African idioms." (Transl.) (12)
Thus, thanks to his versatility in"African" linguistics, Bélisaire passed for a possessor of great supernatural power in the view of the "African" black insurgents that were grouped by ethnicity. Halaou enjoyed a similar supernatural leverage. Which facilitated his choice as band leader.



3- The origin of Halaou

A relevant way of finding out Halaou's religious adherence lies in his origin. Clues of an individual's origin often hide in his ethnic and proper names. Let's analyze these two elements.

3.1- The name Halaou
Unconcerned with presenting the least historical evidence, Sylviane Diouf relied solely on the consonance of the name Halaou she considers muslim. Long before becoming a warlord, Halaou was a captive (slave) of the Corrégeoles plantation, located in Arcahaie (North-West of Port-au-Prince). Untamed, Halaou ran away repeatedly. In 1774, his repeated escapes were costly to the Corrégeoles plantation managers :
"Dix-sept fois, l'habitation doit payer pour la prise d'esclaves mais ce ne sont que de petites sommes versées à la maréchaussée locale : 6 l. chaque fois, sauf quand Alaou fut repris à Saint-Marc le 16 janvier 1774 où il fallut débourser 16 l." (13)
Translation :
"Seventeen times, the plantation must pay for slave recaptures but these are only small sums paid to the local police station: 6 pounds each time, except when Alaou was recaptured in Saint-Marc on January 16, 1774, where it was necessary to pay 16 pounds."
And the historians who went through the inventory of the Corrégeoles sugar plantation to which Halaou belonged, did not come across any muslim name :
"Rien à noter sur les noms : emmêlement de noms de soldats, de noms chrétiens et de noms africains (Samba, Jamby, Oenna, Hatuo ?). Aucun nom musulman. Chez les hommes comme chez les femmes, très peu de noms mythologiques : Cupidon, Narcisse, Vénus, Minerve. Les femmes ont presque toutes des noms chrétiens." (14)
Translation :
"Nothing note worthy about the names : entanglement of soldier names, christian names and African names (Samba, Jamby, Oenna, Hatuo ?). No muslim name. Among men as well as women, very few mythological names : Cupidon, Narcisse, Vénus, Minerve. Almost all the women have christian names."
Halaou was certainly not the only fugitive (or maroon) of the Corrégeoles estate. Other fugitives of this plantation bore clearly christian names such as :  
  • Rose,
  • Marie,
  • Charles (Mulatto),
  • Marie (English), 
  • and Marie-Louise.  
This belies Diouf's unsubstantiated claim that the Saint Domingue fugitives or maroons were predominantly muslim, or muslim-led. A false statement that places islam as the cause of marronnage in Saint Domingue. Moreover, Halaou did not lead a maroon band, as Diouf claimed. The political context after 1791 no longer led to classical marronnage.

3.2- Halaou ethnicity?
Another way to ascertain Halaou's religious affiliation would be to establish his ethnic origin. The inventory of the Corrégeoles estate reveals several ethnic groups (Arada, Ibo, Cap Laou, Bambara, Congo, Nago, Cotocolys, Aquila, Taquaous, Foueda, Caramenty), but none that can be linked specifically to islam


(Inventory of the Corrégeoles plantation, in 1774)
Source : Chatillon Marcel, Debien G., du Boisrouvray Xavier, de Maupeou Gilles. Papiers privés sur l'histoire des Antilles. In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 59, n°216, 3e trimestre 1972. pp.432-490.

Moreover, apart from the fact that all the ethnic groups mentioned were fundamentally traditionalists, this one-time inventory leaves empty (classified as "unknown" by the researchers) the ethnicity of a considerable part of the captives (slaves). Therefore, it does not help us trace Halaou's ethnic origin.
 

3.2.1- Halaou, the Pila Pila?

In a 1958 article, Odette Menneson-Rigaud mentioned Halaou's ethnicity, according to an arbitrary assumption by Jean Price-Mars :
"Le Dr Price-Mars déclare qu'il [Halaou] devait être de la tribu des Pila-Pila du nord du Dahomey." (15)
Translation :
"Dr. Price-Mars states that he [Halaou] should be from the Pila-Pila tribe of northern Dahomey."
In Dahomey (present-day Benin), there is indeed a people named Pila Pila. They live in the North, in the Djougou region. However, no colonial text mentioned the Pila Pila ethnic group in Saint Domingue, nor one of its name variations that are : Kpilakpila, Pilas, Yoa, Yoas, Yom, Yoma, Yowa, etc. And no archived data ever indicated that Halaou derived from the Pila Pila people. So, we do not know where Price-Mars had collected this false information. 
When it comes to the islamic aspect, the Pila Pila people are still largely traditionalists (animists), and in 1975, only 40% muslim. (16) In other words, the Pila Pila were entirely traditionalists at the time of the Saint Domingue colony. 
 

3.2.2- Halaou, the Nago?

Saint Domingue (Haiti) settlers, Halaou's contemporaries, are unanimous in their writings. In their opinion, Halaou was of Nago ethnicity. That is to say, he came from the people called Yoruba today, who reside in Nigeria, Benin, Togo and elsewhere. They were known as Nago in Brazil, and Lucumi in Cuba. In Haiti, they refer to them as Nago, Anago or Annago.****

a) According to settler Pierre Poulain
In his February 25, 1793, letter to Governor Sonthonax, Pierre Poulain who was involved in negotiations with Halaou, expressed that he was a Nago :
"Documents concerning the leaders of the smaller bands in 1793 tell us something about them when the military situation in the north was more or less stabilized. For example, a Nago leader named Alaou irritated the higher military command to which he was supposed to be loyal by taking the title “commandeur générale.” (17)
b) According to settler Pélage Marie Duboys
Resident of the Arcahaie region (Western Saint Domingue) where Halaou also lived, Pélage Marie Duboys was well-placed to testify to Halaou's origin. And he, too, says Nago :

"... sous le vain prétexte qu'ils empêchaient l'effet de ses pourparlers avec le Nègre Halaou de nation Nago, ancien esclave de l'habitation Cotin..." (18)
Translation :
"... under the vain pretext that they prevented the effect of his talks with the Negro Halaou of the Nago nation, former slave of the Cotin plantation..."
Halaou was therefore of Nago origin. Hence, he derived from the Yoruba people. They are heirs to the Nok civilization, and have reached a high degree of refinement through their bronze and terra-cotta royal sculptures :



Source : https://www.nairaland.com/770881/art-architecture-yorubaland/5


Source :  http://www.entwistlegallery.com/notable-sales/ife-terracotta-head

This Oba-designated Kingship, immortalized in these statues, still receives veneration in Haiti through songs of the Nago rite, such as this one :
 

Oba, Oba, dèniye
Nèg Nago sa nou te pèdi a
Se li n ape chèche
Oba, Oba, dèniye.

Translation :

Oba, Oba, dèniye
Descendants of Nago what we have lost
Is what we are looking for
Oba, Oba, dèniye.

And in the Haitian mentality, all that pertains to the word "Nago" is considered "warlike" ; may it be a "Nèg Nago", meaning a descendant (man or woman) of Nago ; may it be the Nago rite or the Nanchon Nago, meaning the sacred Nago Nation.


(Statue of Oba, Yoruba Kingship)
Source : http://www.egyptsearch.com/forums/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic;f=15;t=008642;p=1

Based alone on his ethnicity, it is impossible that Halaou was a muslim. For, the Yoruba (Nago), settled in Nigeria and the Kingdom of Dahomey (Benin) began converting to islam only from Ousmane Dan Fodio's February 1804 jihad. Jihad which began 1 month after the independence of Haiti, and nearly 13 years after the spark of the Haitian Revolution and the end of Saint Domingue captive (slave) imports.

 

4- Halaou's Yoruba (Nago) practices

Halaou's Nago lineage being attested by colonial texts, let us now look for traces of this origin in his military actions. Two of Halaou's distinguishing features are : 1) the permanent presence of a white rooster at his side ; 2) the magical use of animal tails by his soldiers. 
Let's see if these two elements are related to his Nago ethnicity.
 
4.1 - Halaou and the magic rooster
Halaou, always accompanied by a magic white rooster, possessed a supernatural leadership :
"Les insurgés du Cul-de-Sac avaient à leur tête un africain, nommé Halaou, d'une taille gigantesque, dune force herculéenne. ****+
Il régnait sur ses bandes par la superstition, tenant toujours sous le bras un grand coq blanc qui lui transmettait, prétendait-il, les volontés du ciel. Il marchait précédé de tambours..." (19)
Translation :
"The insurgents of Cul-de-Sac were led by an African named Halaou, of gigantic height and Herculean strength. ****+
He reigned over his bands by superstition, always held under his arm a big white rooster, which, he claimed, transmitted the wills of heaven to him. He walked preceded by drums..."
Ignace Nau attributes the source of Halaou's magic rooster, not to islam, but to a caplata, or caprelata,****++ that is to say, a great officiant of the traditional religion :
"Un soir d'heureuse mémoire, il s'arrêta et campa aux environs des habitations Meilleur et Lassère. Il [Halaou] fit venir un caplata et lui ordonna de commencer les cérémonies qu'il désirait voir terminer afin de reprendre l'oeuvre que le ciel l'avait destiné à accomplir. Cet homme, habile dans son métier, s'avança d'un air calme et présenta au terrible Halaou un gros coq tout blanc. Ceci, lui dit-il, sera votre coq merveilleux; vous n'accomplirez jamais rien sans préalablement le prendre et le caresser : vous et vos hommes vous le défendrez, car c'est votre bannière, car c'est votre talisman." (20)
Translation :
"One evening of happy memory, he stopped and camped near the estates of Meilleur and Lassère. He [Halaou] brought a caplata and ordered him to begin the ceremonies he wished to see finished to resume the work that the sky had destined him to accomplish. This man, skillful in his trade, advanced with a calm air and presented to the terrible Halaou a big all white rooster. This, he says, will be your marvelous rooster; you will never accomplish anything without first taking it and caressing it : you and your men will defend it, because it is your banner, because it is your talisman."
Halaou's ownership of the white rooster corresponds to one of the symbols of Obatala, a primordial Divinity in classical Yoruba (Nago) pantheon :


(The Divinity Obatala holding the white rooster, his symbol)
Source : https://www.amazon.com/Obatala-Statue-Orisha-Figurine-Powerful/dp/B01N2W1U4Q

This white rooster (or white fowl) symbolizing Obatala is not at all ordinary. For, in traditional Yoruba story, a rooster (black) participated in the Creation of the world. Because in the beginning, the world was divided into 2 distinct domains. On the one side, the celestial world, domain of the God Olorun or Oludumare. And on the other, the water world, domain of Olokun. Then, the Divinity Oduduwa, Obatala's brother (or double) was commissioned by the Supreme God Olurun/Oludumare to create the earth.


(Oduduwa creating the world)
Source : http://luzdeolorun.wixsite.com/luzdeolorun/olorun

Equipped with a rooster, substrate and seed, Oduduwa descended from the sky along a chain. In Ile Ife (Nigeria), he poured the substrate, then dropped the rooster that, while searching through it, spread the substrate that became the world.


(Oduduwa descending from the sky with the primordial rooster, in Ile Ife, Nigeria)
Source : Iwese Ahua. http://blog.bookingsnigeria.com/ile-ife/
 
Source : https://www.maria-online.us/software/article.php?lg=pt&q=Odudua


(Statues of Oduduwa with the primordial rooster, in Ile Ife, Nigeria)
Source : The British Museum (presentation). Kingdom of Ife : Sculptures from West Africa.

Ile Ife, the Nigerian village, has become the "Place of Expansion" of the world. Because the Yoruba word "Ile" means "House, Spot or Place", while "Ife" means "Expansion". And as for Obatala, this Divinity or Orisha hasn't been idle either. He/she is the one who, using clay, carved people's bodies. And breathed life into them.
We can say that Halaou, the Yoruba-Nago, while walking on the battlefield with the white rooster, operated under the guidance of Obatala. Born in "Africa", he knew perfectly Obatala's story and the meaning of his Obatala symbols. But where are the traces of these symbols in Haiti?

4.2 - Halaou and the Yoruba (Nago) symbols in Haiti
Oduduwa and Obatala are revered in the Yoruba (Nago) land of Nigeria, but also in Benin, Togo, and several corners in the Americas (Cuba, Brazil, Trinidad, etc.) where the Yoruba cult persists. In Haiti, Oduduwa is honored in the Nago rite as Odoudouwa, Olicha Odoudouwa, etc. Obatala, to whom initial Nago rite greetings are reserved, is called Ogoun Batala, in the masculine form. And Grann Batala or Manbo Batala represents Obatala's feminine form in Haiti. Here is one of Ogoun Batala's many vèvè (ritual drawings) :


(Vèvè of Ogoun Batala, in the Haitian ritual)
Source : Milo Rigaud. Ve-Ve : Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou. New York, 1974. p.257.


The Yoruba (Nago) bird that took part in the creation of the world, is depicted on this asòtò, legendary drum of the traditional Haitian religion :


(Haitian asòtò drum decorated with Yoruba (Nago) symbols)
Source : Alfred Métraux. Le vaudou haïtien. Paris, 1958. p.164.

The Nago specificity of this bird is certified by the symbol that accompanies it on the drum. It's a Yoruba primordial symbol retraced archaeologically in Nigeria around the 1300s of the christian era :


(Yoruba artifact at Ile Ife, around the 1300s of the christian era)
Source : Suzanne Preston Blier. Art and Risk in Ancient Yoruba: Ife History, Power, and Identity, c. 1300. New York, 2015. p.153.

The presence of a primordial Yoruba symbol on Haitian objects of worship attests to the Nago content of the Haitian ritual that is yet multi-ethnic. This symbol is recurrent in plenty Nago vèvè, including this one for Lwa or Jany Channgo :

 (Vèvè of Ogoun Channgo)
Source : Milo Rigaud. Ve-Ve : Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou. New York, 1974. p.283.

And aren't the symbols on this Haitian Nago vèvè identical to the ceremonial decorations of these Nigerian Yoruba high officiants?


(Ile Ife Yoruba high officiants decorated with their symbols)
Source : https://www.nairaland.com/2502510/thread-dedicated-orisa-nla-obatala
   
This brings us to the animal (horse, ox) tails that were used magically by Halaou's soldiers.


5- Halaou's soldiers and the animal tails

Considering that those Western Saint Domingue (Haiti) insurgents were grouped by ethnicity, and that Halaou was a Nago (Yoruba), we can thus advance that his soldiers fought, not with the help of islam, but with that of the Orisha, the Yoruba (Nago) ancestral Divinities. And historical literature proved us right. For, according to the story brought forth by Ignace Nau, which is corroborated by many historians, Halaou's soldiers used animal tails to magically fend off enemy bullets :
"Chacun de vos soldats se munira de queues de chevaux et de boeufs qu'il tournoiera dans l'air en courant à la bataille : alors le canon se fondra à votre approche et la poudre se liquéfiera sous la mèche de vos ennemis." (21)
Translation :
"Each of your soldiers will bring you horse and ox tails he will spin in the air while running to battle : then the cannon will melt on your approach and the powder will liquefy under the wick of your enemies."
In Yoruba religion, magical oxtails serve as attributes to various Divinities or Orisha. They are called iruke. And these iruke were used by high officiants :
"Iruke, s. (...) cow-tail carried about by the babalawos..." (22)
(Ceremonial animal tails (iruke) among the Yoruba of Nigeria)
Source : https://kwekudee-tripdownmemorylane.blogspot.com/2013/12/olokun-deity-and-its-various-olokun.html

So, among Halaou's soldiers, there were Babalawo (known as Papa Lwa in Haiti), meaning priests of Ifa, great leaders of the traditional religion. And on the battlefields, these Babalawo handled animal tails that the Yoruba (Nago) call iruke. In the Haitian Nago ritual (where Olicha is the name of a Nago Divinity), iruke is deified as Rouke or Wouke, a Divinity who is one form of Ogoun, the Lwa or Jany of war. However, in Haiti, the ceremonial use of iruke animal tails is not retained, unlike the Yoruba (Nago or Lucumi) derived rites of Brazil and Cuba. 

5.1- Origin and military function of the animal tails
In Haiti, in addition to the Rouke or Wouke Divinity, the Creole word "rouke" or "wouke" is synonymous with shouting, screaming, scolding, lamenting, etc. This meaning derives from the fact that "rouke" or "wouke" refers to the sad howling of dogs at night that is interpreted as lamentations against evil spirits. (23) That goes back to the primary sense of the Yoruba iruke instrument which spinning produced a noise that chased evilness. A sacred Ogoun Aleman song reflects this point :

Rouke, o rouke non.
Lè Lwa m ap chante, o se malè…
Translation :
Howl, oh do howl.
When my Lwa (Divinity) is singing, that announces misfortune...

Thus, by spinning their iruke on the battlefield, Halaou's Babalawo probably raised the cosmic wind of Oya or Yansa, a Yoruba (Nago) Warrior Goddess.



(In Nigeria, illustration of Oya and her symbols which includes the Iruke)
Source :  https://aworisa.weebly.com/blog/ir-la-tierra-de-oya

According to the Yoruba (Nago), Oya or Yansan (as he/she is known in Haiti where he/she is considered male) is Mistress of the wind, fresh water (the Niger River) and death. The name Yansan derives from Iya Isán, which in the Yoruba language breaks down into : Iya (Woman, Mother, Mistress, etc.), Isán, meaning "storm" as well as the "number nine". She is therefore the "Woman, Mother or Mistress of the Storm" and also the "Woman, Mother or Mistress of the number nine".


(The warrior Goddess Oya (Yansa) with her iruke and other symbols)
Source : https://www.darkknightarmoury.com/p-34195-goddess-oya-statue.aspx

Because, if death occurs, Oya, using the (black) tail that symbolizes her, will welcome the soldier in the hereafter, in one of the 9 skies that suits him (the deceased) according to his conduct on earth. (24)

5.1.1- Oya/Yansan  and the song of war
The Oya/Yansan combo as the Divinity of Death and Mistress of Freshwater is reflected through a war song saying "la poud cé dlau", (powder is water). This song expressed the spirituality of Halaou's soldiers, who, by defying death, went to meet Yansan :
"Then, the caplata asked seventy to eighty men to whom he distributed assotor drums, lanbis [conch shells] and debris from sugar boilers, and he formed a body of musicians of whom Halaou surrounded himself. At the signal a frightful serenade began. The conch shells rang loud and piercing, the drums rang out, and the cauldrons, struck against each other, produced terrible, heart-rending sounds that brought blood to their ears. (...) A chorus was improvised and this famous song burst forth.

Halaou ! tym, pan, dam !
Canon cé bambou : tym, pan, dam !
La poud cé dlau : tym, pan, dam!

In the midst of this all-eyes-and-ears army, Halaou was walking up and down, delighted to ecstasy by this music..." (Transl.) (25)
Here is the translation of this war song :


Halaou ! tym, pan, dam !
Cannons are bamboo : tym, pan, dam !
Powder is water : tym, pan, dam !
 

This war song matches Western Saint Domingue rebels' war cries and acts during the years 1792-1794, as documented by eyewitnesses. It contains various clues about
Halaou and his troops traditionalist military and religious practices. Because :
  • Linked to this war song are the keywords, caplata, assotor, tambour, lambi that, to this day are still used in the traditional Haitian ritual. 
  • Since islam does not have songs of war and forbids the use of any music for warlike purposes, Halaou and his troops were not muslims. 
However, this war song in question didn't come from Nago culture. It corresponds to a religious and folk flavored Congo drum beat. It reflects the fact that the Western Saint Domingue rebels belonged to a large multi-ethnic corps, although they formed separate ethnic battalions. While the water element reminded the Nago soldiers of their Yansan or Oya Divinity, their comrades from Congo/Angola were screaming "dlo, dlo" (water, water) while dashing at the enemy, in relation to Maza.

(Nkisi Statue of Mbumba Maza, in Congo/Angola)
Source : Photo Patrick Gries. Musée du Quai Branly : la collection.

Water, which is called Maza in Kikongo language and others, is deified and primordial in Congolese and Angolan cosmogony. Here, the shell refers to Maza's aquatic nature. In the traditional Haitian ritual, Maza forms a family of warrior Lwa/Jany (Divinities). It includes Prinnga Maza, Louvengou Maza, Kita Maza, Kriminèl Maza, Jonkiy Maza, etc., not to mention Boumba Maza who is linked to cemeteries and the Land of the Dead.

(Vèvè of Boumba Maza, in the Haitian ritual)
Source : Milo Rigaud. Ve-Ve : Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou. New York, 1974. p.440.

Therefore, despite differences, some points of convergence are detectable in the Yoruba (Nago) vision of the afterlife and death and that of the so-called Congo peoples. However, Yansan is not Grann Brijit (Lwa, Divinity of Death), as some claim.




6- Halaou didn't eat halal

The political stratagems that led to Halaou's death also testify to his non-islamic religious affiliation. Two events are suggestive of this : a) his meal with Sonthonax, the French Commissioner ; then b) his meal with Bauvais, the Mulatto Commander.

a) Meal with Commissioner Sonthonax
Islam being non-existent for Halaou, it was in 1794 that he got close to Sonthonax. This French Commissioner had just offered freedom to the captives (slaves) of the North who had accepted to bear arms to defend the colony from hostile forces :
"Gagné par Guyambois, Halaou voulut connaître ce Sonthonax, ce blanc qui avait le premier proclamé la liberté générale dans le Nord, tandis que son collègue marchait à pas lents dans cette voie. (...) Halaou était préparé à l'admiration, et Sonthonax lui-même (car il était homme) à consentir à être une idole. (...) Halaou vint donc au Port-au-Prince, le 9 février : ses bandes formaient une armée. (...) Sonthonax dut paraître devant elles et leur chef, avec tout l'appareil de la puissance nationale, tout le prestige de sa brillante renommée. Il fut au-devant d'Halaou, le félicita pour mieux le fasciner par son ascendant, le dominer avec les siens et leur donner à tous une bonne direction, pour défendre la colonie, pour défendre la liberté ; car cette dernière cause surtout était menacée." (26)
Translation :
"Won over by Guyambois, Halaou wanted to know this Sonthonax, this white man who first proclaimed general freedom in the North, while his colleague was walking slowly in this direction. (...) Halaou was prepared to admire, and Sonthonax though (because he was a man) to consent to be an idol. (...) Halaou came to Port-au-Prince on February 9th : his bands formed an army. (...) Sonthonax had to appear in front of them and their leader, with all the apparatus of national power, all the prestige of his brilliant fame. He was in front of Halaou, congratulated him to better fascinate him by his ascendancy, to dominate him and his men and to give them all a good direction, to defend the colony, to defend liberty, because this last cause especially was threatened."
Sonthonax' ascendancy on Halaou is not speculative. It is concretized by Halaou dining at Sonthonax' table. This French meal, usually accompanied by wine, would hardly meet the halal requirements prescribed by the muslim doctrine :
"Nous n'ignorons pas que nos traditions rapportent, que Sonthonax parla mystérieusement à Halaou, à l'oreille, et qu'il l'exhorta à retourner à la Croix-des-Bouqets pour assassiner Bauvais, après un repas qu'il lui fit servir et auquel il assista lui-même, en se plaçant à table à côté de ce noir." (27)
Translation :
"We are well aware that our traditions report, that Sonthonax spoke mysteriously to Halaou, in the ear, and that he exhorted him to return to Croix-des-Bouqets to assassinate Bauvais, after a meal that he had served to him and he himself attended, sitting at the table next to the black man."
During this meal, the French Commissioner even proposed to his admirer Halaou to go and assassinate the mulatto general Bauvais. At least, it's the rumor that was going around at that time. And some participants believed it.

b) Meal with Commander Bauvais

Making a habit of it, Halaou also accepted a dinner invitation from Bauvais. Of course, Halaou didn't have to worry about halal food restriction, since he wasn't a muslim :
"Que se passait-il dans ce bourg depuis l'arrivée d'Halaou et de ses gens? Bauvais, qui ignorait les appréhensions de l'opinion générale ; incapable de tendre un piège à Halaou, par la droiture de ses sentimens, par la loyauté de son caractère ; trop brave, trop courageux pour craindre cet homme et pour concevoir lui-même l'idée d'un meurtre ; Bauvais l'avait invité avec quelques-uns de ses sorciers à entrer chez lui pour leur faire servir des rafraîchissemens ils étaient tous assis autour d'une table, Halaou tenant toujours son coq blanc." (28)
Translation :
"What happened in that town since the arrival of Halaou and his people? Bauvais, who was ignorant of the apprehensions of general opinion; incapable of setting a trap for Halaou, by the rectitude of his sentiments, by the loyalty of his character ; too brave, too courageous to fear this man, and to personally conceive the idea of a murder ; Bauvais had invited him with some of his sorcerers to come into his house to serve them refreshments ; they were all seated around a table, Halaou still holding his white rooster."
Bauvais' invitation to Halaou to "refresh" involves alcohol consumption. And again, as a non-muslim, Halaou was not offended by such an offer. He "sat down at the same table" to drink wine. And unfortunately, it was his last drink. Because, fearing that Halaou was going to execute their leader by Sonthonax' incitement, Bauvais' soldiers, interrupting the meal, shot Halaou and his assistants at close range :
"Les deux officiers qui avaient précédé Marc Borno n'avaient encore rien ordonné ; mais celui-ci, aussitôt son arrivée, donne l'ordre à un sergent noir de la légion, nommé Phelippeaux, de pénétrer, dans les appartements avec quelques autres soldats, et de tuer Halaou. En entrant, le sergent trouve Bauvais assis à côté de lui ; (...) Bauvais, qui n'en sait pas souffrir de semblable, demande ses pistolets et se lève pour mieux agir contre les soldats indisciplinés. Ce mouvement facilite l'action de Phelippeaux et des autres ; Halaou et deux de ses officiers, toujours assis et ne se doutant pas de leur but, tombent morts. Bauvais reste étonné de ce résultat..." (29)
Translation :
"The two officers who had preceded Marc Borno had not yet ordered anything ; but this one, as soon as he arrived, ordered a black sergeant of the Legion, named Phelippeaux, to enter the apartments with some other soldiers, and to kill Halaou. As he entered, the sergeant found Bauvais sitting beside him ; (...) Bauvais, who doesn't know how to suffer from such a thing, asks for his pistols and gets up to better act against the unruly soldiers. This movement facilitates the action of Phelippeaux and others ; Halaou and two of his officers, still sitting and not suspecting their purpose, fall dead. Bauvais remains amazed at this result..."
Following Halaou's villainous assassination, a fight broke out between his partisans ("Africans", traditionalists and improvised soldiers) and the Bauvais forces (Creoles, christian and military experienced) :
"Les compagnons d'Halaou qui y ont échappé se précipitent hors des appartemens de Bauvais; ils font un appel à leurs camarades pour venger la mort de leur chef. Alors survint une mêlée affreuse entre eux et les hommes de la légion. Le combat devint inégal entre cette troupe bien arosée, bien exercée, pourvue d'artillerie et de cavalerie, et des hommes fanatisés par des superstitions grossières, qui, dans leur ignorance non moins grossière, agitaient en l'air des queues de boeuf pour rendre inefficaces la mitraille et les balles qui pleuvent sur eux. Ils sont forcés de fuir, en faisant autant de mal que possible à leurs ennemis." (30)
Translation :
"Halaou's companions who have escaped it rush out of Bauvais' apartments; they make an appeal to their comrades to avenge the death of their leader. Then came a frightful melee between them and the men of the legion. The unequal fight between these well-organized troops, well trained, provided with artillery and cavalry, and men fanaticized by gross superstitions, who, in their ignorance no less coarse, waved oxtails in the air to render ineffective the grapeshot and the bullets raining on them. They are forced to flee, doing as much harm as possible to their enemies."
Thus, judging by Halaou's easy and unrestricted contact with Sonthonax and Bauvais, there is no doubt that he operated in a traditionalist manner, not in an islamic one.


6.1- The traditionalist cause of Halaou's death

In describing Halaou's (non-halal) lunching in the company of Bauvais, settler Pélage-Marie Duboys, a contemporary of the events, attributed the fall of Halaou not to islam, but to his negligence in considering the warning of his magic rooster . He also noticed that Halaou was surrounded by "ouan gas" (wanga), a word still referring to traditional magic in Haiti :
"Halaou redescendit en plaine au bout de quelques semaines. Il se cantonna, selon sa coutume, au pied du morne avec sa bande. Aussitôt que Montbrun et Pinchinat en furent instruits, ils engagent Bauvais à l'inviter à un déjeuné avec ses principaux officiers et ils mandent en même temps à Marc Borno qui commandait un poste avancé vers Léogane, de se rendre en diligence, à la Croix-des-Bouquets, au jour indiqué pour le déjeuné, et lui ordonnent de les débarrasser de ce Nègre et de sa bande. Marc Borno exécute ponctuellement leur ordre et, le 9 mars, Halaou qui se reposant sur les ouangas dont il était bardé avait méprisé les augures que lui avait donné son coq, est fusillé à la table même du Commandant Bauvais, par une escouade de la légion de l'égalité." (31)
Translation :
"Halaou returned to the plain after a few weeks. And, as was his custom, confined himself to the foot of the hill with his band. And as soon as Montbrun and Pinchinat were informed of it, they solicited Bauvais to invite him to a luncheon with his principal officers, and at the same time, they summoned Marc Borno, who commanded a forward post to Léogane, to go in a stagecoach to Croix-des-Bouquets on the day indicated for breakfast, and order him to rid them of this Negro and his band. Marc Borno punctually executes their order and, on March 9, Halaou, who was relying on the ouangas with which he had been shielded, had disregarded the omens given to him by his rooster, was shot right on Bauvais' table, by a squad of the legion of equality."
In a 1837 text, Haitian author Ignace Nau also indicated that Halaou was advised by a "vaudoux" making Caplata traditionalist ; and that Halaou made the fatal mistake of neglecting his advice :
"L'exemple de Halaou était encore récent : mais s'il avait succombé disait-on, c'était parcequ'il n'avait point observé à la lettre les conditions et les conseil du caplata. On avait vu ses milliers d'hommes nus et sans armes se ruer contre le fort de la Croix-des-Bouquets ; on les avait vus tomber par centaines sous les batteries meurtrières. Cependant, refermant aussitôt ces larges trouées que la mitraille fesait dans leurs rangs désordonnés; et tournoyant dans l'air des queues de bœufs, talismans auxquels ils ajoutaient une foi aveugle, ils entonnèrent des chants sinistres aux sons plus sinistres encore des lambis, et ils allèrent tous mourir à la gueule même du canon avec la pleine conviction d'être invulnérables.
Il était minuit quand les chefs avaient réunis les vingt-et-un vaudoux sous la grande tonnelle dressée à l'occasion de la cérémonie de la consultation." (32)
Translation :
"The example of Halaou was still recent, but if he had succumbed, it was said, because he had not observed the caplata's conditions and advice to the letter. We had seen his thousands of men naked and unarmed, rushing against the fort of Croix-des-Bouquets ; they had been seen falling under the deadly batteries by the hundreds. But at once shutting up the large gaps which the machine-gun fired in their disordered ranks ; and whirling oxtails in the air, talismans in which they placed a blind faith, they sang sinister songs with the still more sinister sounds of the lambis [conch shells], and they all went to die straight at the cannon mouth with the full conviction of being invulnerable.
It was midnight when the chiefs had gathered the twenty-one vaudoux under the big arbor erected on the occasion of the consultation ceremony."
And after Halaou's death, his former soldiers' political choice belies the idea that they took up arms on an islamic basis. For Zamore, Halaou's high-ranking officer, joined the French (and christian) troops of Commissioner Polvérel. An April 16, 1794, letter from Commissioner Polvérel speaks of it :
"L’affricain Zamore, capitaine de la troupe d’Alaou, vient de se rendre devant nous et d’offrir ses services à la République. Il nous dit qu’il a sous son commandement sur l’habitation Meggy, 16 hommes armés de fusils… Nous vous prions de donner les ordres nécessaires pour qu’une patrouille d’anciens et de nouveaux libres, se transporte sur cette habitation… et se [fasse] remettre les 16 fusils. Il est essentiel pour le bon ordre des campagnes que les affricains sortant soit du camp espagnol soit du camp des révoltés contre la République, ne puissent être armés à moins qu’ils s’incorporent dans la Légion.” (33)
Translation :
"The African Zamore, captain of Alaou's troops, has just come before us and offers his services to the Republic. He tells us that he has under his command on the Meggy estate, 16 men armed with rifles… We are asking you to give the necessary orders for a patrol of old and new soldiers to be transported to this estate… and to get the guns back. It is essential for the countryside's good order that Africans leaving either the Spanish camp or the rebel camp against the Republic cannot be armed unless they join the Legion."
Therefore, the French troops' christian religion did not constitute an obstacle for Halaou, nor his troops ; especially following the emancipation granted by Sonthonax in the North. If Halaou isn't among the most famous Haitian Revolution heroes, his fearlessness, bravery and tenacity, helped solidify the Nago factor in Haitian religious and cultural memory. And this Nago factor is undeniably that of a fierce traditionalist warrior with whom a whole nation identifies with pride.
 


* Romaine Rivière aka Romaine La Prophétesse was a "griffe", meaning that he was born either from the union of a Blackman with a Mulatto woman, or from that of a Black woman with a Mulatto man. This implies that he was necessarily a Creole (born in the Americas). Yet christian revisionist Terry Rey sees in Romaine's prophetic efforts the influence of Congolese Prophetess Béatrice Kimpa Vita. (34) His argument is lame for many reasons, including these :
1) Romaine was a Creole and no Congo filiation was attested or even suspected regarding him. Moreover, the influence of Kimpa Vita, who died in Congo land 75 years earlier, in 1706, would have required an intergenerational transfer that would have left traces in the Haitian collective memory

2) Even though Beatrice Kimpa Vita said she was constantly inhabited by St. Anthony of Padua, Romaine's cross-dressing was not a Congo legacy. Because, in Haiti, where gender inversion in spirituality is a banality, Lamayòt (Mayotte), the name given to a carnival transvestite character, refers instead to Mayotte, the Indian Ocean Island from which some Saint Domingue captives (slaves) originated.
3) Prophetism as a tradition, although persistent in Congoland, does not exist in Haiti. So, if Congo was the source of Romaine's prophetism, characters of his kind would have appeared in other parts of the country, and in different times. But since Romaine no other prophet has been reported.
4) "Ngunza", this Kikongo word for prophet that was addressed to Beatrice Kimpa Vita, did not apply to Romaine La Prophétesse as Terry Rey claims. The proof is that "Ngunza" does not exist in the Haitian ritual ; while "Nganga", title of the traditionalist masters, that Kimpa Vita was originally conferred, remains in the word "Gangan".
5) Traditional religion led Kimpa Vita to prophetism, not catholicism. From her childhood, she who later became Kimpasi initiated, had visions that she played with two white children. These were not Europeans (mundele), but Spirits of the Ancestors, the Simbi (retained in the Haitian ritual) or Nkita. (35) These Congolese Nkita are called Lwa Kita in the Haitian ritual, and should not be confused with the Holy Nation or Nanchon Kita from present-day Mali.
(Vèvè of 3 Kita Maza, in the Haitian ritual)
Source : Milo Rigaud. Ve-Ve : Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou. New York, 1974. p.441.

6) Religious personification (even of catholic Saints) as displayed by Kimpa Vita and Romaine is an "African" traditionalist element. It is not exclusively Congolese, nor does it prove Kimpa Vita's influence on Romaine. The "Nkita" Spirit,  who self-identified as Saint Anthony of Padua, has proposed to lodge in Beatrice Kimpa Vita's head, after having unsuccessfully lodge in other individuals' heads :

"Elle répondit que Dieu avait envoyé S. Antoine... d'abord, il avait été envoyé dans la tête d'une femme, à Mugeto... il en partit et alla dans la tête d'un vieux qui était à Sohio... Finalement, il vint dans sa tête pour prêcher au Chibango." (36)
Translation :
"She replied that God had sent S. Anthony... first, he had been sent into the head of a woman, in Mugeto... he left and went into the head of an old man who was in Sohio... Finally, he came into her head to preach to Chibango."
Haitians always call possession (which is a form of momentary personification) "Lwa a nan tèt li", ie, the Spirit is in someone's head. And as they also name their Divinities Saints (Sen), thus, it is commonplace for a man to be inhabited by Saint Philomena, Saint Anne, etc. Similarly, traditionalist women are daily inhabited by St. James the Greater, St. John the Baptist, etc.
7) Romaine's "inverted cross", a Western reactionary practice, is absent in the Haitian ritual. And likewise in the Congo, since Kimpa Vita, the syncretic and reformist christian, used to burn crosses as much as worship objects of the traditional religion. (37)

8) Beatrice Kimpa Vita wasn't considered christian by the clergy who has interviewed her. She was called "Nganga de Marinda" or "Marinda fetishist", a "Negress who was sowing discord in this young christianity", (Transl.) (38) by the Capuchin Bernardo da Gallo who sentenced her to the stake. Kimpa Vita belonged to the Bakhimba or Kimpasi secret society, in which her twin status was venerated.
Thus, Marinda pejoratively refers to the music of marimba, the flagship instrument of Congo/Angola which animated both religious and social sessions that were described as "tam-tams endiablés" (furious tam-tams). (39)

(Marimba session in Angola)
Source : https://www.pinterest.ca/pin/442267625878020303/

In "Africa", there is the xylophone-type marimba that Tanzanians classify as Marimba ya Vibao. This xylophone-type marimba was brought to the Americas by Central and Eastern African captives (slaves). It has become popular in English-speaking West Indies and Latin America.

(Tanzanian stamp depicting the xylophone-type marimba)
Source : DeAgostini/Getty Images ; URL : https://www.gettyimages.ca/detail/news-photo/series-of-postage-stamps-honouring-traditional-musical-news-photo/521170875

And there is also the thumb or digital marimba that comes from such musical instruments as the Angolan kissange, mbira, etc., and that Tanzanians classify as Marimba ya Mkono. Brought also by Central and Eastern "African" captives (slaves), the thumb marimba, became popular in the Caribbean and elsewhere under the name of marimba (malimba, marimbula, manouba, etc.).

(Tanzanian stamp depicting the thumb marimba)
Source : DeAgostini/Getty Images ; URL : https://www.gettyimages.ca/detail/news-photo/series-of-postage-stamps-honouring-traditional-musical-news-photo/521170875

Under the name marimba, manouba, marimboula, etc., the thumb marimba is very widespread in Haiti's so-called twoubadou music. However, until proven otherwise, there is every reason to believe that this musical instrument is an Afro-Cuban import.

(Haitian's Marimba, marimboula or manouba)
Source : Boulpik. Konpa Lakay, 2014 ; https://www.deezer.com/en/album/7755026

9)
Jerry Gilles, another christian revisionist, portrays Toni Malau as a Congolese christian influence on the Haitian ritual :
"Toni was extremely popular in the Kongo and the Toni Malo political movement was an important political force. The strength of her movement continued to have repercussions in the Americas. (...) Today in Haiti, we continue to sing Toni rele Kongo in honor of Ganga Vita, Toni, the grand-daughter of King Antoine. We do so because Toni defended the integrity of the Kongo." (40)
A so-called influence that was born of Kimpa Vita's Antonian movement, Toni Malau is the Congolese deformation of Santo Antonio de Padua (St. Anthony of Padua), and the name given to this Saint's figurines that served as amulets in the Congo.

(Statuette/amulet of Saint Anthony of Padua called Toni Malau, in the Congo)
Source : https://collections.artsmia.org/art/113136/toni-malau-kongo

a) First, the statuettes called Toni Malau go against the Antonians message. They include the child Jesus, the cross and a European, 3 foreign entities that Kimpa Vita banned. But many argue that instead of a European, Kimpa was inhabited by her royal grandfather, also named Antonio. But that still relates to Ancestor worship, and not to christianity.
b) Jerry Gilles presented the traditional Djò prayer : "Toni rele Kongo, eya Santa Maria/Santa Gracia", as a mention of Kimpa Vita who was supposedly also called Toni Malau. But Toni is a common name in Haiti as elsewhere. If it is certainly quoted once in the Djò prayer, here and there in the sacred songs, we also hear the names Miguel, Benito, Charitable, etc. Thus, Congo filiation cannot be established from such a small random sample.
c) The traditional Haitian religion is royalist in essence. So, if we had to link "Toni" to a figure from Congo, King Antonio I (Nvita a Nkanga) would be more appropriate. Reigning from 1661 to 1665, he was the last autonomous king of the Congo. In the battle of Mbwila against the Portuguese, he perished decapitated, which sealed the fate of the Congo. And his widow, Dona Ilaria known as the "Old Queen", whose political influence never wavered until her death in the 1700s, was surely Larenn Kongo (Queen Kongo) who is still venerated in Haiti.
 
d) Moreover, nothing indicates that "Ntoni" in the Creole prayer "Toni rele Kongo" necessarily refers to the Christian name "Antonio". Because, in Kikongo language, "Ntoni" means "Sage or Wise man" in its masculine form, and "Tomb" in its feminine form. (41) Thus "Toni rele Kongo" can also mean "The Wise man calls (the descendants) of Congo" or "The Tomb (hence the Ancestors) calls (the descendants) of Congo". 
e) As for "Malau" in "Toni Malau", that Jerry Gilles deformed dishonestly as "Toni Malo", it doesn't match the words "malo" and "simalo" found in the Haitian ritual, as the christian revisionist claimed. In Congoland, "Malau" is pronounced "Malawou", not "Malo". It is also written "Malawu" :
"Pourquoi Saint Antoine?
C'était le Saint le plus populaire du pays. Chaque maison possédait "son fétiche de Ntoni Malawu" (Antoine de la chance) tel que celui-ci...
(...)
Disons entre parenthèses qu'à cette époque Saint Antoine est appelé dans tout le pays "Ntoni Malawu" : le Saint de la Prospérité, la signification en ce moments des ruines, n'est pas à chercher." (42)
Translation :
"Why Saint Anthony?
It was the most popular Saint of the country. Each house owned "his fetish of Ntoni Malawu" (Anthony of luck) such as this one...
(...)
Let us say in parentheses that at this time Saint Anthony is called throughout the country "Ntoni Malawu" : the Saint of Prosperity, the signification in this moment of ruins, is not to look for."
Moreover, the word malawu (malau), expressing luck, - and which was spread "throughout the country", unlike Kimpa Vita's restricted cult - did not begin with Saint Anthony, nor Kimpa Vita. It goes back to the Ancestral-Mother of the Congo people, Nkênge' a Lawu, known as "La Belle aux chances" (The Pretty woman of luck). (43) Consequently, Nsundi Malawu (Nsundi Malau) refers to the statuettes/amulets of the Virgin Mary. (44)

(Nsundi Malawu, pendant/amulet of the Virgin Mary in the Congo)
Source : "Pendant with the Virgin, Kongo culture - 18th century" ;  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kimpa_Vita#/media/File:Kongo_Virgin_pendant_18c_Ethnic_Art_and_Culture_Ltd.jpg

And Nkisi Lawu (Nkisi Lau) is the hunters' amulet of luck. (45)
f) Jerry Gilles even claimed that Haitian president Antoine Simon (1908-1911) was named Simalo (Si + Malo), a combination supposedly drawn from "Si" in "Simon" + Malo from the Antonian movement :
"So strong was Toni Malo’s influence in Haiti that the name Antoine became a very common name in the country. When Antoine Simon became president of Haiti, he enjoyed widespread popularity and was associated with the name “Simalo”, a fusion of Simon with Malo." (46)
But it has long been established that Simalo was rather the name of Antoine Simon's goat. And as early as 1896, 12 years before his presidency, Haitian and French newspapers bashed Antoine Simon for having buried Simalo, his goat - in a service they claimed to be magic and religious :

"... et, même sous M. Tirésias Simon-Sam, le Président actuel, qui est un neveu par alliance du dictateur Lysius-Félicité Salomon, on a vu aux Cayes, ville du Sud, un bouc-fétiche nommé Simalo enterré en grande pompe par un gros personnage de l'endroit, un certain général Antoine Simon, qui trouva le moyen de le faire passer, par une substitution audacieuse, pour un sien parent, le nommé Boute-Philippe, récemment exhumé !" (47)
Translation :
"... and even under Tirésias Simon-Sam, the current President, who is a nephew by marriage of the dictator Lysius-Félicité Salomon, we saw in Les Cayes, a town in the South, a goat-fetish named Simalo buried with great pomp by a great personage of the place, a certain general Antoine Simon, who found a way to make it pass, by a bold substitution, for his relative, the named Boute-Philippe, recently exhumed!"
But it wasn't so. For Simalo was only a mere war memorabilia, according to historian Antoine Pierre-Paul, a native of Les Cayes and Antoine Simon's contemporary :

"One of the troops' cook seizes the animal and goes in to kill it : "Pas tué ti cabrit'la, (Don't kill the little goat), shouted General SIMON,  jodi'a tout' moune mangé vent' déboutonnin, ça pas si mal pou'n tué ti cabrit'la." (today everyone ate fully, it's not so bad as to kill the little goat.) On the spot, General Antoine drew a soldier out of the ranks, he entrusted him with the animal, saying : "min ti cabrit'la moin confié ou, cé pou remett' moin'l en main propre lor nous rivé Jérémie". (Take this little goat I put in your charge, you will hand it back to me personally when we reach Jérémie.)
The soldier, keeper of the goat, sometimes preceded, and followed the troops. During the march our soldiers improvised a song on the theme of "jodi'a ça pas si mal" (today is not so bad), from the Head of Division's protest against the slaughter of the goat. In the jingles and by abbreviation, "jodi'a ça pas si mal" (today is not so bad) became "si mal'o" (not so bad). Hence the name "Simalo" given to the little goat." (Transl.) (48)
So, contradicting those sensationalist foreign texts (William Seabrook, The Magic Island, 1929 ; Zora Neale Hurston, Tell My Horse, 1938 ; Alfred Métraux, Le Vaudou haïtien, 1958) and Haitian popular tendency of lending magical attributes to generals, Antoine Simon's goat Simalo had nothing mystical about it ; although there is a Divinity named Simalo in Haiti :
""Simalo" grew up in the General's stables, in the shadow of his horses, in these various localities, and unlike the evil animals or those destined to vodou ceremonies, Simalo was never kept tied up. The cayens of my generation still remember this beautiful white goat trotting along at any time of the day along the Rue de la Délégation, a familiar goat we came across each morning, on the way to school at the Normil Jn-Jacques Institution, wasn't a mascot but rather a memory of Antoine SIMON's first feat as Army Chief." (Transl.) (49)
Antoine Simon was even a pious catholic, according to Antoine Pierre-Paul and his mentor, Monsignor Morice. Likewise for his daughter Célestine who wasn't a Manbo (priestess) as fake historians claim. And Antoine Simon's christianity didn't stem from Kimpa Vita's Antonian movement either. It should also be noted that instead of Simalo, the population nicknamed Antoine Simon "General Antoine" :
"Never again did one hear people speak in Les Cayes about a  cult to "Simalo". On the contrary, the whole population - catholics and protestants - honored in General Antoine (this is what the Delegate was familiarly called) his high morality and his deep piety." (Transl.) (50)
We thus see that "intellectual laziness" and "ulterior motive flowing from a malicious association of ideas", which Antoine Pierre-Paul deplored in 1963, is far from vanished among the Haitians. We can even say that these two elements manage their universe.
10) Catholic conversion did not take hold in the Congo. Since 1491, King Nzinga a Nkuwa converted to christianity. And yet, 215 years later, in 1706, the Congo was described as a "young christianity" by Bernardo da Gallo, that missionary residing there. Similarly in 1731, settler Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix noted the superficiality of the christian content among the Congolese living in Saint Domingue :
"Les Congos furent convertis au Christianisme par les Portugais, il y a 200 ans ; leurs Rois ont toujours été Chrétiens depuis ce temps là, et plusieurs de ces Nègres sont baptisés : mais à peine trouve-t-on dans quelques-uns une légère teinture de nos Mystères." (51)
Translation :
"The Congos were converted to Christianity by the Portuguese 200 years ago, their Kings have always been Christians since that time, and many of these Negroes are baptized, but scarcely one finds in some a slight tincture of our Mysteries."
But yet the revisionists claiming the supposed christian impact in the Haitian Revolution base it on the massive amount of Congo found in the Saint Domingue colony. And despite their decades-long semantic spins, their thesis remains fanciful.
** Haitian author Milo Rigaud announced that Romaine La Prophétesse carried a magic rooster in combat, on the saddle of his horse :

"Un des généraux haïtiens qui fit le plus parler de lui à cause de ses étranges habillements qui prouvaient qu'il ne cessait d'être "monté" par les mystères, allait au combat en se moquant des balles, des baïonnettes et des boulets - un coq rangé (préparé magiquement comme talisman) à l'arçon de sa selle." (52)
Translation :
"One of the Haitian generals who most gained popularity because of his strange clothes that proved he was "mounted" by the mysteries, went to battle mocking bullets, bayonets and cannons - an arranged rooster (magically prepared as a talisman) tidy on his saddle tree."
This Milo Rigaud statement, which is repeated by others, is not corroborated by historical data. However, since Milo Rigaud has extracted traditionalist oral accounts in a serious manner, it requires us to dwell on the subject.
And we detect some flaws in his story :
1) The Creole phrase "coq rangé" (arranged rooster) proposed by Milo Rigaud (and other researchers) is not suitable. Because, objects, animals or food known as "rangé" (arranged) in Haitian Creole serve to harm others on contact. In this case the rooster in question would ensure the protection of its owner. Therefore, "coq monté" (mounted rooster) magically or especially "gad" (guard) would be more appropriate.

2) Milo Rigaud indicates that Romaine La Prophétesse carried the magic rooster on his horse saddle in combat. But Terry Rey says there are no records of Romaine's battles nor that he was on horseback. (53) 
However, Terry Rey himself presented evidence of Romaine selling a horse to a settler named Frontel. This makes it reasonable then that Romaine as horse owner, fought on his horse, as did the Freedmen of his class.
In view of this analysis, without categorically affirming it, we believe very likely that Romaine La Prophétesse had the protection of a magic rooster set on his horse. The demarcation point lies in the different purposes that the magic rooster served for Romaine La Prophétesse and Halaou.

  • Where Halaou (on foot) carried his magic rooster on his person, Romaine La Prophétesse affixed his on his saddle.
  • Where Halaou's magic rooster prophesied and protected ; that of Romaine La Prophétesse only protected. Romaine's prophecy, as mentioned, came from the divine messages found in the tabernacle.
So, it doesn't seem that the magic rooster had passed down to Halaou from Romaine La Prophétesse, nor that any striking inconsistencies stand out. Moreover, the ethnic "African" origin of Romaine's magic cannot be established with certainty. One could say that like him, his magic was Creole, therefore hybrid and syncretic.
*** Islamic revisionist Matt Schaffer claims that a vèvè of the Haitian Divinity Mèt Granbwa ((Master Granbwa) depicted with leaves derived from a traditional Mandingo mask ; and that the Creole word Granbwa doesn't come from French (Grand Bois i.e. Great Woods) but rather from "Bua" which means "Owl" in the Mandingo language. (54) Schaffer attempted this rapprochement of Mèt Granbwa with Mandingo traditionalist practices serves only as a bridge towards islamic Mandingoes.
This audacious revisionist would benefit from knowing the most rudimentary facts ; which are
1) The name "Granbwa" is not Mandingo. It doesn't refer to a mask, nor to an owl, by the way. Because, the Grand Bois Mountains, mentioned in Haitian history books, are located in the West province, 52 kilometers from Port-au-Prince. They constitute, since 1888, a commune of Croix-des-Bouquets. The Saint Domingue archives offer many references to La Montagne des Grands-Bois (the Grand-Bois Mountain) :
"Antoine, Tacoua étampé illisiblement, âgé de 35 ans, ayant des marques de son pays sur le visage, disant que son maître était un Nègre libre, Habitant à la Montagne des Grands-Bois, dont il ignore le nom, et qu'il a été tué par les Nègres marrons." (55)
Translation :
"Antoine, Tacoua stamped illegibly, aged 35, with marks of his country on his face, saying that his master was a free Negro, living at the Grands-Bois Mountain, whose name he doesn't know, and that he was killed by the maroon negroes."
And during the unrest in the West in which Halaou was involved, the Grands-Bois Mountain sheltered rebels who were disarmed in March 1792, and their leaders executed :
"Le désarmement des atteliers de la plaine ne produisit qu'une très petite quantité d'armes tant bonnes que mauvaises ; celui des habitations des Grands-Bois au nombre de 40 ne produisit que quarante et quelques fusils et douze Nègres seulement reconnus chefs de bande ou incendiaires y furent mis à mort par le détachement chargé de la visite de cette montagne." (56)
Translation :
"The disarmament of the plain's workshops produced only a very small quantity of good and bad arms ; that of the estates of the Grand-Bois, numbering forty, produced only forty plus rifles, and only twelve Negroes recognized band chiefs or incendiaries were put to death by the detachment charged with this mountain's visit."
In this context, it is not surprising that in the traditional Haitian religion that a Forest Guardian Divinity (Lwa or Jany) is named Mèt Granbwa (Master Grand Bois), and that this Forest Divinity is illustrated covered with leaves. Not to mention that the vast majority of Granbwa vèvè depict forests in various forms. 
 

(Vèvè of Granbwa)
Source : Milo Rigaud. Ve-Ve : Diagrammes Rituels du Voudou. New York, 1974. p.246.

2) The full name of the Lwa or Jany in question is Mèt Granbwa Ile. This refers to the primordial Nigerian City of Ile Ife which is honored in the traditional Haitian ritual in the form of the Divinities Mèt Granbwa Ile (or Zile), Manman Ile or Manbo Ile. This is also the case for the Nigerian City of Badagry, which is deified in Ogun Badagri in Haiti. And if doubt persists, the Divinity Granbwa Nago should remove it. His name unambiguously refers to his Yoruba (Nago) origin. Because Granbwa Mandeng (Mandingo) does not exist.
**** The word Anago or Nago, several authors have explained it in haste, and incompletely. The most tenacious explanation comes from Paul Mercier, who in 1950 wrote that the Dahomeans (Fon) pejoratively named "Nago" their Yoruba neighbors and enemies :

"The Fons, they named Nago, all the traditional adversaries of the E. : those of Oke-Odan as well as those of Abeokata or of Ketou. We have found an etymology to this name : in fongbé it would mean trash, junk, term of contempt addressed to the enemy. In fact, there are Yoruba groupings, in the Dahomean circle of Porto Novo, and adjacent areas of the colony and the Ilare division, that call themselves Anago and know only that name. The word could therefore not have been forged by the Fon, it would be likely that they exploited a pejorative play of words at the same time as they commonly extended a tribal name to the entire people." (Transl.) (57) 
Shortly after, in 1958, Alfred Métraux relayed Paul Mercier's hypothesis as a certainty : 
"Nago : Name that the Fons give to the Yoruba." (Transl.) (58)
But this explanation doesn't match up with the pride this word raises in the heart of the Yoruba descendants in Haiti. Fortunately, here we have the explanation of the word Nago or Anago from a Nigerian Yoruba :
"The Yorubas are Anago, Nago, Lucumi/Ulcumi, Aku etc The Yoruba do not have a uniformed name in the beginning. What unites the Yorubas are their language, Origin at Ile Ife, and Culture.
The Yorubas are called Anago or Nago in Brazil, Benin Republic, Haiti, Togo, Ghana, Ivory Coast, e.t.c. The word Lucumi and Anago were used earlier to qualify the Yorubas before the Christian missionaries made the name Yoruba popular in their writings. In the Northern part of Togo the Yorubas are also called Ana Ife or Ana.
Growing up at Ebute Metta in Lagos [Nigeria], i remember that when my grand mother is talking to us and we are not listening or because we were playing and seems not to pay attention to what she is saying, she will shout at us saying ''Se e o gbo Anago ti mo n ba yin so ni? (Can't you understand the Anago that i am speaking to you). It means don't you understand the Yoruba i am speaking?
Anago is another name by which the Yorubas are known. It means someone who is wise or intelligent as the Yorubas are seen to be by other Africans." (59)
This excerpt draws nearer to the Haitian understanding of the word Nago. Nago being undoubtedly the most prideful ethnic identifier to the Haitians, it is reasonable that it carried lots of value in "Africa" of its origin.
****+ In this short excerpt, we find references to the "gigantic" size and the "Herculean strength" that they gladly pin on many Haitian Revolutionary heroes ; namely Macandal, Boukman, Cécile Fatiman, Hyacinthe, etc. This is a racist stereotype conveyed to falsely suggest that the Haitian revolutionary leaders' ascendancy over their fellow men was based on their brutality and not on their intellectual abilities. However, it seems that Halaou was indeed tall.

"Lorsque le pays s'agitait en tous sens, que les esclaves faisaient trembler les maîtres, un homme parut, haut de six pieds et large de deux, et il se nommait, Halaou." (60)
Translation :
"When the country was agitated in all directions, when the slaves made the masters tremble, a man appeared, six feet tall and two feet wide, and his name was Halaou."
At least, that's what Ignace Nau drew from Haitian historical memory.
****++ Formerly outlawed in Haiti, caplata or caprélata refers to worship, magic and traditionalist officiants, at large. In the strictest sense, caplata or caprélata is synonymous with what is called in Haiti "doktè fèy" (leaf doctor) ; that is, traditional herbalists. Caprélata comes from the word "Capreolata", found in plant names such as Bignonia capreolata and Fumaria capreolata
:


(Fumaria capreolata)
Source : Jan Kops. Flora batava. Part 14. Te Leiden BIj De Breuk & Smits, 1873. ; URL : https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Fumaria_capreolata_%E2%80%94_Flora_Batava_%E2%80%94_Volume_v14.jpg

Also exists the Caprifoliaceace or "honeysuckle" plant family which name derives from the Latin "capra" meaning "goat", and "folia" meaning leaves. In Haitian culture, the word kaplata refers to a lower-ranking traditionalist officiant. This may be due to the secondary status of the herbalist or "doktè fèy" compared to the full-fledged status of the houngan (male) and manbo (female).
 


Kaplata, kaprelata or capoeira?
It would be incorrect to link the Creole word kaplata or kaprelata to capoeira, an Afro-Brazilian martial art that was also banned. (61) The Creole word kaplata or kaprelata derives from plant names, while the Portuguese word capoeira relates to a defensive space in the middle of military fortifications (caponier in English). But capoeira refers above all to a chaponnière, a French word for a house used to fatten castrated roosters, called capons in English, and  et capao in Portuguese.


(Capoeira Martial Art, in Brazil)
Source : Johann Moritz Rugendas. "Capoeira or the Dance of War", 1835. URL : https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capoeira#/media/File:Rugendasroda.jpg

The Creole word kaponnaj (kaponnay, kraponnaj or kraponnay), which expresses the action of intimidating someone without actually striking him, fits perfectly with the capoeira martial art. Because, by their castration, castrated roosters or capoa lose their aggressiveness. Thus, unlike regular roosters, breeders can lodge their capoa together without the risk of major in fighting. This phenomenon is illustrated by the capoeira in which the combatants/players launch blows without striking each other.

(Capoeira movements)
Source : Illustration Mestre Bimba. In : "Roda de capoeira e ofício dos mestres de capoeira" ; Dossiê Iphan ; 12, Brasília, 2014. p.99.

However, "capo, caponis, caponem" which is the Latin root of capoeira reveals that capoeira martial art implies more than mere non-contact that is inspired by capons, capoa or castrated roosters. For the French word capon describes someone who, to reach his goals, uses cunning, deception, and cajolery that hides his attack. (62) These are emblematic features of capoeira, a martial art that Brazilian captives (slaves) camouflaged through play, dance, music, songs and acrobatics


Origin of the capoeira
This martial art that "Afro"-Brazilian captives (slaves) camouflaged, did they invent it from scratch in Brazil or did they bring it from "Africa"? It was demonstrated by Neves e Sousa that capoeira comes from ngolo, a traditional Angolan fighting style in which one imitates the zebra strikes. (63)


(Zebra hind leg striking)
Source : "Brave Baby Zebra Kicked A Pride Of Lion" ; URL : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sQ0uONFW88U ; capture 1:43

(Zebra-inspired back kick, in the Angolan Ngolo)
Source : Drawing by Albano Neves e Sousa, 1965. In : Thomas J. Desch Obi. Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World. Columbia, 2008. p.220.

Ngolo is actually the singular form of the word "zebra" in the Kiluba language. In the plural form, it is Wa Ngolo (Wangolo), (64) the name of the country that is Angola, and also that of the style called "capoeira angola" in Brazil, that is to say the "capoeira of zebras", by extension.

(Capoeira movements resembling zebra strikes)
Source : ‪Marcel Gautherot‬ ; IMS collection, M. Gautherot, 1954 ; URL : http://velhosmestres.com/en/waldemar-1954-1  

However, raising a lack of hard evidence, some doubt capoeira's Angolan origin. (65) So here are, these tangible proofs. Firstly, capoeira's basic move called genga is found in the Kikongo language in which (genga-gele) means : "to deviate, to oblique, to deviate". (66) In Haiti, as in the West Indies and Louisiana, they name genga, ginga, jinga, jenga or zinga, fowls with curly, spotted or striped plumage that resemble the oblique marks of the zebra.


(Ginga chicken)
Source : https://lapluma97-2.skyrock.com/3140450560-poule-GINGA.html

Secondly, such as the zebra's oblique spots, capoeira's genga move, by its back footwork and its skewed swings, serves to avoid and confuse the adversary.

(Hind leg moves and swings called genga in capoeira)
Source :  Illustration Mestre Bimba. In : "Roda de capoeira e ofício dos mestres de capoeira" ; Dossiê Iphan ; 12, Brasília, 2014. p.72.

In traditionalist Haiti where the country of Angola  (Wa Ngolo, Wa Ngòle, Wa Ngòla) is still known as Wangolo, Wangòl or Dangòl, there is the Petro dance which hind leg and forearm defensive moves are reminiscent of Brazilian capoeira genga.

(Haitian Petro dance based on aggressive hind leg moves and swings)
Source : "Danse Petro" ; URL : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oOtTvD2tD7c

Moreover, in Haitian Creole, the rite with the violent Petro dance is also known as Don Petro, Danpetro, Donpèd or Donmpèt. But, donmpèt also describes an aggressive horse who likes to kick. Thus, this Petro dance is linked to horse kicks, as Brazilian genga and capoeira are linked to zebra kicks. We therefore witness, in Saint Domingue (Haiti), a natural substitution of the zebra kicks (an "African" reality) by the horse kicks (a Caribbean reality).

Brazilian capoeira, the Haitian petro dance and the Jaga heritage
Following extensive research, author Thomas J. Desch Obi concluded that the Angolan ngolo (engolo) martial art stems from the legendary Jaga mercenaries whose descendants living in South-Western Angola were called Imbangala. (67) And as a result, capoeira ultimately derived from the Jaga since capoeira is linked to the ngolo (or engolo).
However, as we've established in a previous article, Haiti's Petro or Danpetro rite (and dance) bears the name of Dom Pedro III, King of Congo/Angola whose reign (1669, 1678-1680) coincides with 1679, the start of captive (slave) imports in the French colony of Saint Domingue (Haiti). And since the term "Ne-Nkosi" (Nenkosi) indicates "King" in the Kikongo language, (68) then Haitian Divinity N'kosi Danpetro certainly refers to King Danpetro or Dom Pedro III

Among those deported to Saint Domingue were the Jaga, called Niiac, Niaqua, Miaca (Myaca), Mayoca, Mayaga, Mayaque, Mouillac, Mouyaca, Monyaqua, Mouxaqua or Congo-Mouyaca. These frightening Jaga who fought for Dom Pedro III, whom they worshiped, used the ngolo, the zebra dance, both as a martial art and as a spiritual dance. This royalist Jaga legacy soon became the Petro warrior rite and the warrior dance of the same name. 
In addition, Dom Pedro III's brother, King João II (Nzuzi a Ntamba), his successor in Mbula/Lemba (1683-1716), who used the Jaga as much, is venerated in Haiti as Zawo Lenmba, Zawo Danpetro, Zawou Penmba, etc. And the Jaga are honored under the name Yagaza in the Haitian ritual. However, their most abominable ceremonial practices do not appear in the Petro rite, and are contrary to the traditional Haitian religion that proscribes them.
In Brazil, where the Jaga legacy came later, it took the form of capoeira which is a game, dance and martial art combine.


Notes

(1) Sylviane A. Diouf. Servants of Allah : African Muslims Enslaved in the Americas. New York, 1998. p.150.
(2) Beaubrun Ardouin. Études sur l'histoire d'Haïti. Tome 1. Paris, 1853. p.352.
(3) Joseph Saint-Rémy. Pétion et Haïti, étude monographique et historique. Tome 1. Paris, 1864. pp.149-150.
(4) M.L.E. Moreau de St. Méry. Loix et constitutions des colonies françoises de l'Amérique Sous le Vent, Vol 4. Paris, 1784. pp.352-355.
(5-6) Terry Rey. The Priest and the Prophetess : Abbé Ouvière, Romaine Rivière, and the Revolutionary Atlantic World. Oxford, 2017. pp.31-32, 68-69.
(7-8) Beaubrun Ardouin. Op. Cit. pp.324-325, 207.
(9-11) Thomas Madiou. Histoire d'Haïti, Tome 1. Port-au-Prince, 1847. pp.100-101.
(12) Gaspard Théodore Mollien. Haiti ou Saint Domingue, Tome 1. (Écrit en 1832) Paris, 2006. p.67.
(13-14) Chatillon Marcel, Debien G., du Boisrouvray Xavier, de Maupeou Gilles. "Papiers privés sur l'histoire des Antilles". In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 59, n°216, 3e trimestre 1972. pp.432-490.
(15) Odette Mennesson-Rigaud. "Le rôle du Vaudou dans l'indépendance d'Haïti." In : Présence Africaine. Nouvelle série. No.18/19 (février-mai 1958). pp.43-67 (p.63)
(16) ‪Joseph Cuoq‬. ‪Les Musulmans en Afrique‬. Paris, 1975. p.241.
(17) AN, D-XXV, 23, 232, Pierre Poulain to Sonthonax, 25 February 1793. Cité par : John K. Thornton. "I Am the Subject of the King of Congo : African Political Ideology and the Haitian Revolution". In : Journal of World History, Vol. 4, No. 2, 1993. pp.181-214.
(18) P.-M. (Pélage-Marie) Duboys. Précis historique des annales de la colonie française de Saint-Domingue... Tome 1. Arcahaie, 1804. p.147.
(19) Thomas Madiou. Op. Cit. p.181.
(20-21) Ignace Nau. "Souvenirs historiques : le lambi". In : L'Union, Recueil commercial et littéraire. No 18, Port-au-Prince, 1837. p.3.
(22) Samuel Crowther. Vocabulary of the Yoruba Language. London, 1852. p.157.
(23) Jean Targète, Raphael G. Urciolo. Haitian Creole English Dictionary. Kensington, 1993. p.171.
(24) See Tilo Plöger. Die Götter Von Ifá : Die Orixás: Die inneren Polaritäten des Menschen. Hamburg, 2016.
(25) Ignace Nau. "Souvenirs historiques : le lambi"..., Op. Cit. pp.2-3.
(26-27) Beaubrun Ardouin. Op. Cit. pp.352-353.
(28-30) Ibid. pp.356, 357, 358.
(31) P.-M. (Pélage-Marie) Duboys. Op. Cit. p.148.
(32) Ignace Nau. "Un épisode de la révolution : Conte créole. (Suite) : Le Camp-Pernier. II". In : Le Républicain : Recueil scientifique et littéraire. No.10. du 1er janvier 1837. Port-au-Prince, pp.2-5.
(33) Étienne Polvérel. "Lettre datée du Port-Républicain le 16 avril 1794 à Montbrun, commandant de la province de l’Ouest, relative à l’Affricain Zamore. AN. D/XXV/42.” Cité par Vertus Saint-Louis. "Le surgissement du terme "africain" pendant la révolution de Saint-Domingue". In : Ethnologies, vol. 28, n° 1, 2006, p. 147-171. (p.153)
(34) Terry Rey."The Virgin Mary and Revolution in Saint-Domingue: The Charisma of Romaine-la-Prophétesse." In : Journal of Historical Sociology Vol. 11 No.3, September 1998. pp.341–369. (pp.357-362) ; Terry Rey. "Habitus et hybridité : une interprétation du syncrétisme dans la religion afro-catholique d’après Bourdieu". In : Social Compass, 52(4), 2005. pp.453-462.
(35) John K. Thornton. The Kongolese Saint Anthony: Dona Beatriz Kimpa Vita and the Antonian Movement, 1684-1706. Cambridge, 2009. p.26.
(36-38) Louis Jadin. Le Congo et la secte des Antoniens: Restauration du royaume sous Pedro IV et la "Saint Antoine" congolaise (1694-1718)." In : Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome n .033, 1961. pp.411-614.
(39) See  Anne Stamm. "La société créole à Saint-Paul de Loanda dans les années 1838-1848' In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 59, n°217, 4e trimestre 1972. pp. 578-610. (p.606)

(40) Jerry Gilles. "Remembering Toni Malo (Kimpa Vita)." [online] ; URL : http://www.bookmanlit.com/tonimalo.html ; Retrieved on March 25, 2019.
(41) 
Ọbádélé Kambon, PhD. Dictionnaire (Lexique) Kikongo-Français. [online] URL : https://www.abibitumikasa.com/forums/showthread.php/48048-Dictionnaire-%28Lexique%29-Kikongo-Fran%C3%A7ais ; Retrieved on July 30, 2017.
(42-43) Raphaël Batsîkama ba Mampuya ma Ndâwla. L'ancien royaume du Congo et les Bakongo. Paris, 1999. pp.14-15 ; 182.
(44) Georges Balandier. La vie quotidienne au royaume de Kongo du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle. Paris, 1965. p. 243.

(45) Wyatt MacGaffey. Kongo Political Culture : The Conceptual Challenge of the Particular. Bloomington, 2000. p.93.
(46) Jerry Gilles. Op. Cit.

(47) Journal des débats politiques et littéraires (Paris) du 2 juin 1898 (no 152), p.1 ; See also L'Impartial du 24 décembre 1896. Port-au-Prince. p.? ; Le Constitutionnel du dimanche 11 avril 1897 (no 30011). Paris. p.3. ; Le Petit caporal : journal quotidien, politique, démocratique et patriotique du lundi 12 avril 1897. p.2.
(48-50) Antoine Pierre-Paul. ‪Les contre-vérités d'une thèse à l'École normale supérieure et la levee de boucliers dominicano-lecontiste de 1911‬. Port-au-Prince, 1963. pp.24-26.
(51) Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, Humblot. Histoire de l'île espagnole de St Domingue. Paris, 1731. p.501.
(52) Milo Rigaud. La Tradition voudoo et le voudoo haïtien. Paris, 1953. p.66.
(53) Terry Rey. The Priest and the Prophetess : Abbé Ouvière, Romaine Rivière, and the Revolutionary Atlantic World. Oxford, 2017. pp.62-63.
(54) Matt Schaffer. "Bound to Africa: The Mandinka Legacy in The New World" in: History in Africa 32, 2005. pp.321-369.
(55) Les Affiches Américaines du samedi 25 janvier 1783. Parution No.4. p.39.
(56)
P.-M. (Pélage-Marie) Duboys. Op. Cit. p.100.
(57) Paul Mercier. "Notice sur le peuplement yoruba au Dahomey-Togo (1)." In : Études dahoméennes, Volume 4, 1950. pp.29-40. (p.30)
(58) Alfred Métraux. Le Vaudou haïtien. Paris, 1958. p.328.
(
59) Anago James Akeeem Osho. "The Anago in Benin Republic, Togo and Nigeria..." [online] URL : http://anagoadventures.blogspot.com/2016/04/the-anago-in-benin-republic-and-nigeria.html ; Retrieved on March 9, 2019.
(60)
Ignace Nau. "Souvenirs historiques : le lambi"..., Op. Cit. p.2.

(61) It has been suggested that the word capoeira is of Amerindian origin (Tupi-Guarani) in reference to a "jungle cleared by fire". This hypothesis aiming to drown the "African" paternity of the capoeira as a martial art doesn't hold water. See Nestor Capoeira. Capoeira : Roots of the Dance-Fight-Game. Berkeley, 2002. pp.109-110.
(62) See Émile Littré. Dictionnaire Littré de la langue française. Tome 1. Genève, 1976. p.479. ; URL : https://www.littre.org/definition/capon
(63) Albano Neves e Sousa. Da minha África e do Brasil que eu vi. Luanda, 1965. p.57.
(64) J. M. Jenniges. Traité de Kiluba-Sanga, tel qu'il est parlé au secteur du Haut-Luapula (Katanga) et régions limitrophes. Publication État indépendant du Congo, 1908. p.7.
(65) Matthias Röhrig Assunção. Capoeira: A History of an Afro-Brazilian Martial Art. Abingdon, 2005. pp.49-56.
(66) Ọbádélé Kambon, PhD. Dictionnaire (Lexique) Kikongo-Français. Op. Cit.
(67) See Thomas J. Desch Obi. Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Art Traditions in the Atlantic World. Columbia, 2008 ; Author Desch Obi, (pp.37-41) contradicts Neves e Sousa on the notion that the word Ngolo refers to the zebra. He believes instead that the Ngolo (Engolo)inverted kicks project on the world of the living, the reality of the ancestors' underground world. However, he is mistaking because the "Bantu" plural prefix "Wa" in "Wa Ngolo" is reserved for the animal class. (J. M. Jenniges, Op. Cit p.26). Then, the Creole word donmpèt, describing simultaneously a strike-happy horse (animal) and the Petro dance that comes from the Jaga, confirms the zebra link.

(68) Nathalis Lembe Masiala. Quelques éléments de l'oralité dans la palabre Kinzonzi, en pays Kongo ( RDC). Paris, 2011. p.31.



How to cite this article:
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